LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



DODDbmH'^74 















.^^-v. ^ 






TRUTH 



OF THE 



WAR CONSPIRACY 

of 1861 



PRICE 

50 CENTS 



" Everyone should do all in his power to collect and 
disseminate the truth."— R. E. LEE 

Dec. 3rd, 1865. 



^ 



Copy-right, 1921 

H. W. JOHNSTONE 

leYLWIfcO, GA. 






A FOREWORD. 

During President Washington's administration, at a banquet 
of the notables at Richmond, a young man, John Randolph of 
Roanoke, was called on for sentiment. Randolph arose, raised 
his glass, and said: 

"George Washington, may he be damned" — 

Instantly there was a howl of protest, a threatening move- 
ment. Randolph calmly waited ; then continued — 

— "if he signs Jay's Treaty!" — 

There was a shout of approval. 

I have somewhat to say. 

Hear me through, then howl, or shout, as you may fefl. 



^^C \7l32l 
©C1.A653150 



MEMORANDA 

The crucial period in which the premeditated schemes of the 
fanatics were put into operations, so as to inaugurate actual 
war, was from March 4th, to July 4th, 1861; before Congress 
was allowed to meet, to consider it. 

From May 1861 to January 1862 I served in the "5th Geor- 
gia Volunteers," C. S. A. at Pensacola, P'lorida. 

About July 1st, 1861 an expedition under our Colonel, John 
K. Jackson, attacked "Billy Wilson's Zouaves" (of Boston), 
on Santa Rosa Island, at nigh;. We drove them, — pell mell — 
into Fort Pickens; captured, and burned, their camps and im- 
mense stores. As we were returning to our boats we were a^«> 
tacked by a force of "regulars" of the U. S. Army. We drove 
them back; and my Captain, S. W. Mangham, captured their 
commanding officer, Major Vogdes, (who was mounted on a 
mule. ) 

Twenty years later, at Fort Adams, R. I., I met General 
Vogdes, who remembered the incident and discussed it. In his 
remarks he stated that he had reinforced Fort Pickens before 
Fort Sumter was attacked; hut^ that his act ivas overshadowed 
ty the clamor and furore ahoiot Fort Sumter. 

That was the fii^st intimation I ever had of that fact. It led 
me to search for some proof of it. I read Stephens, Davis, 
Semmes, Taylor, Maury, Shouier, — and hundreds of authentic 
magazine articles, — but none cleared the mystery enveloping 
that vital point. It was not until the Records were opened to 
research, — nearly twenty years later, — that I found confirma- 
tion of Vogdes' statement, which led me through devious ways 
to other facts as to M. C. Meigs, H. A. Adams, J. L. Worden, 
D. D. Porter, and many other^i. 

The mystifying dis — arrangement of those records was a work 
of genius. It seems easy now^ but I was j^ears in getting the 
facts into chronological sequence. 

In 1917 I succeeded in perfecting proofs fixing the responsi- 
bility for the "War Between the States," 1861-1865, on one 
man, — Abraham Lincoln. 

My unconscious monitor, Vogdes, was one of the prisoners of 
war designated,— by the Confederate War Department,— to 



suft'or the same fate jus the Federal authorities threatened to 
execute on officers and men, — (part of Admiral Semmes' com- 
mand,) — captnred at the mouth of the Mississippi River in 
1861. The "pirates" were not executed; so, Vogdes was saved. 

One of the keenest observers I ever met was in Washington 
at the time of this secret War Conspiracy, Admiral Raphael 
Semmes, C. S. N. In 1870 a friend at Mobile invited me to ac- 
company him to the ' ' Anchorage, ' ' — the home of the Admiral, — 
and for an hour I enjoyed the Admiral's reminiscences. As I 
left he said to me: "Captain, the secret treachery that caused 
the war will come to light, and justify the South. Truth is 
deathless!" 

That was twenty -five years before the "secret" causes were 
unearthed ; and then, were not comprehended, by the employees 
who handled them. 

In the Encyclopedia Brittanica Lincoln's biographer (who 
sign S. F. and L. S.) says: "In early life Lincoln adopted these 
three maxims: 

"Ist. Never to swear; 

"2nd. Never to touch liquor; 

"3rd. Never to lie; 

"And, he never did!" 

I know nothing of his "swears." 

I know Lamon and Herndon picture Lincoln waving a bottle 
in the midst of a drunken mob ; and I remember, it was told, 
that he prescribed— "liquor like General Grant drinks!" 

As to his "3rd maxim — Never to lie," I rest on the facts as 
will appear in this article. 

From the same source I quote from Lincoln's first inaugural 
address, March 4th, 186] : 

(B) "In your hands, my dissatisfied countrymen, and not in 
mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. 

"The Government will not assail you; you can have no con- 
flict without being yourselves the aggressors." 

That too, — with his "3rd maxim," — I leave to be answered 
])y the facts of record, as set forth in this article. Bear in mind 
that there was no "Civil War," (except in Missouri); I am 
treating of the "War between the (Sovereign) States." 

In this labor of many years, I have held frequent "imaginary 
conversations," discussions, arguments, with my loyal, trusted 



friend, the Blade — (my old seiviee sword, which hangs on the 
wall, environed by books, records, and memories.) 

The Blade speaks for the Truth; and points to the recoi-d in 
this paper. I bespeak for my trusty friend your patience. 

A word as to the spirit in which this paper is prepared. 

If this article expresses my belief, it is because it sustains it. 
Abraham Lincoln is, to me, exactly what his own record makes 
him. It would be the same were the Prince of Peace the actor. 

I served four years in the "War between the States." I 
know what it is to meet men ?rmed with a torch in one hand, 
the sword of diabolism in the other, (All were not so, else all 
would have died.) I know somewhat of the inferno of "Recon- 
struction." I saw my people suffer, my father's house van- 
dalized, my mother's tomb desecrated, I saw the Soutli des- 
olate ! 

Then, I saw my people rise; and, with a courage unequaled, 
restore our waste places and force a re-entrance to "Our Father's 
house, to stay, thank God!" 

My intent is to discover the facts, establish the Truth, as to 
the responsibility for the horrors of that war. 

To attempt to describe such a tragic drama in cold, philosoph- 
ic terms, would be to fail. If the acts be not set forth in 
words which portray their infamy it might be false, instead of 
an historical Trath. 

Truth is not slander; nor partisan. 

So, if a just indignation finds vent in good old English, oc- 
casionally, remember the South 's sixty years of foul wrongs; 
and, if your view is worth notice, you will at least smile, — as I 
do, — my task being accomplished. 



Truth of War Conspiracy 
1861 

When Washiugtou was made President there was no party- 
line. John Adams succeeded him, in 1797, without any definite 
party cleavage; but the laws passed under Adams' administra- 
tion, — by Hamilton's influence, — aroused Thomas Jefferson, and 
James Madison, who wrote into the Resolutions of 1798-9 "the 
first clear definite platform of Republican-Democratic princi- 
ples;" which, supplemented by "Madison's Report," and epit- 
omized in Jefferson's firet inaugural address, set forth the basic 
principles of true Democracy. 

The people rallied to them. Hamilton's Federalism was con- 
demned and Jeffersonian Democracy voted into power. 

It is interesting to recall that the first political struggle in 
Virginia, after these Resolutions were promulgated, was led by 
Jefferson's young kinsman, John Randolph, of Roanoke, then 
26 years old, and his first contest for office. He was opposed by 
the influence of Washington, Marshall, and even Patrick Henry 
was somehow against him; but Randolph was elected, 1799, and 
became a powerful Democratic leader. 
May I ask a pertinent question? 

How long since you read those "Resolutions," or "Madison's 
Report," or Jefferson's first "Inaugural," or Calhoun's "Res- 
olutions of 1883 and 7," or Jefferson Davis's "Resolutions" 
in the U. S. Senate in 1860? 

If you are ignorant of them, how do you know what you be- 
lieve ; or that you are a Democrat ? 

There was never a truer patriot in America than John Adams; 
yet liis administration caused his personal friend, Jefferson, to 
write the following in the noted Kentucky Resolutions. 

Hark ye, the father of Democracy speaks: 
(A) "This Commonwealth is determined to submit to no undele- 
gated and con«!equently unlimited power, in no man, or body 
of men on earth, — even the President, whose suspicions may be 
the evidence, his orders the sentence, his officers the executioner 
and Tiis In-east the sole record of the transaction. 

"When powers are assumed which have not been delegated, a 
nullification of the act is the lightful remedy; and every state 
has a natural right in eases not within the compact, — casus- 

6 



non federis, — to nullify of their own authority all assumptions 
of power by tlliers witliiu thcr limits. 

"It would be a dangerous delusion were a confidence (in the 
men or our choice) l » silence our fears for the safety of our 
rights. Confidence is everywhere the parent of despotism. 
Jealousy, and not confidence, piescribes limited constitutions to 
bind down those whom we are obliged to trust with power. 

"In questions of power then, let there be no more heard of 
confidfince in man; but bind him down from mischief by the 
chains of the constitution." 

Had Abraham Lincoln heeded these great truths, there would 
have been no "War between the States." 

Partisan books, labeled "History," have taught false theories 
until their practice has obtained, in press and pulpit, to a dan- 
gerous extent. The truth is not always comfortable; but, it is 
always safe. 

A few days ago some of my old veteran comrades cheered the 
sentiment tliat "Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, et al, estab- 
lished and defended Democratic principles." 

My veneration for Washington isolates him from all other 
men; yet, I love to think he was just human; and at times so 
near anti-republican centralism, that the cleavage between razed 
his plume, — loftj- as it was. Wisely he trusted Jefiferson. The 
heritage he left to John Adams brought on the political revolu- 
tion of 1798-1800, led by Jefferson and Madison, as noted. 

Antagonizing those principles is dangerous. 

If the Constitutional principles then established, and prac- 
ticed, by JefiPereon, were ever practiced or defended, by Abraham 
Lincoln, will not some one cite us to the time, the occasion, and 
tlie proof? 

I have not found either. 

My friend, the Blade, has not withered with age, nor bent 
to cringe and aspostatize. The grip and housings are somewhat 
battered ; but, the steel grey bod}^ is as keen, as ready, as reliable, 
as when it clanged at a camp fire dance, or gleamed, midst those 
dear "Grey Riders" when our dauntless Chieftain, — Hampton, — 
led the way! My eyes are a little dimmed, my hand less steady, 
my step less elastic, than when the Blade and I w^ere "first ac- 
quaint;" but, our hearts are strangely young, and still burn as 
we recall those scenes lang syne 

In the night silences the Blade and I often commune, — with- 
out words, — a kind of flow of soul. In one of these reveries, a 



bit ago, there came, softly, musically, through the stillness — 

"I never shall forget the day — " 

I turned to the Blade, inquiringly, and realized it was voices, 
of long ago, singing "Kitty Wells." Then followed "Ben Bolt," 
and "Lorena." After a pause, "Her Bright Smile Haunts Me 
Still," floated to us on "Evening Breezes," bringing memories 
of a tryst with "Sweet Belle Mahone" at "Killarney," midst 
"Scenes That Are Brightest;' and tlience, to meet "Robin 
Adair," and "John Anderson My Jo," "Within a Mile of 
Edinboro Town." 

Will the "old songs" waft the fragrance of the past to the 
"Grey Shades,"— "Beyond the River?" 

I hope so. 

The Blade presses closer, and whispers of a clean-cut English- 
man who came to us and volunteered to wear "grey." He rode 
with us, — near the front, too, — when danger was abroad. 

I wonder if any otliers are left who remember how, in the 
stilly night, this quiet man, Frederick Crouch, would sing his 
appeal to her he loved so loyally, and pleaded to so long, — 
' ' Kathleen Mavourneen ? ' ' 

• Across all the years I can hear Crouch voicing this, — his own 
song, — with his whole heart in it. A talented man, whose life 
was shadowed by sorrow, he had few intimates ; but ,was a gal- 
lant "Grey Rider," and good to know. He died, at Baltimore, 
with " Mavourneen 's" hand in his, many years ago. 

In all the changes that have come since those days our Dem- 
ocratic principles,— the basis of that four years' struggle, — have 
remained unchanged, steadfa.st. Our experience in the Greely 
episode taught us that a Democrat, — in spirit, and in truth, — ■ 
cannot always follow the vagaries of the party. 

As I now write, — 1917, — I am oppressed by the fact that the 
"party" has "lost its tag;" abandoned its basic principles; 
swallowed Hamilton's whole creed and practice; established mil- 
itary autocracy to an unknown limit; forgotten Washington's 
and Jefferson's advice and warnings; and, is "off agin," to 
a funeral ! 

The Blade soothingly assures me, "Principles don't have 
funerals. We are safe while we keep a sure grip on our prin- 
ciples." 

Recently the Blade and I were discussing these topics and I 



read aloud that "The Civil War began when Fort Sumter was 
fired on by the South." 

Instantly the Blade was alert; there was a sound of steely 
friction. 

Then I read an extract from Abraham Lincoln's mes.sage to 
Congress, December 1864, and emphasized this sentence : 

' ' I simply mean to say that the war will cease, on the part of 
the Government, whenever it shall cease on the part of those who 
began it." 

"What's that?" The metallic ring of the restless Blade was 
ominous. 

"Why, the United States Government and Abraham Lincoln 
began the war by committing at least four flagrant acts of war, 
against two vital points in the South, weeks before Fort Sumter 
was fired on. That these acts were secret, and the most 
treacherous known to civilized diplomacy, does not weaken the 
force of the facts. The secrecy emphasizes the treachery. 

"Had secret orders been obeyed, or other like orders not 
miscarried, war would have been openly inaugurated at a point 
five hundred miles from Fort Sumter, long before 'Fort Sumter 
was fired on. ' 

"That the first ojien clash was at Fort Sumter, was an acci- 
dent, caused by a misfit in Abraham Lincoln's schemes to force 
w^ar 'at any risk or cost.' " 

I reminded the Blade. There was a solemn agreement, an 
Armistice, existing at Charleston, entered into by the United 
States Government and South Carolina officials on December 
6th, I860; and a special agreement, armistice, at Pensacola, 
entered into by the United States and Florida authorities on 
January 29th, 1861,— (both filed in United States War and 
Navy Departments) — by which the United States agreed not to 
attempt to reinforce Major Anderson, nor Fort Pickens; and 
South Carolina, Florida and the Confederate authorities, agreed 
to make no attack on Major Anderson, or Fort Pickens, while 
the.se solemn agreements were observed. 

To violate an armistice is considered a treacherous act of war. 

For either party to prepare to act against a point covered by 
an armistice, is an act of war. It has been held, and rightly, 
that for any person to visit a fortification, where an armistice 
exists, with the intent to advise or plan means or methods, to 

9 



strengthen such fortification is the act of a spy, a reinforce- 
ment, and an act of war. 

The first who renders force necessary to defend and protect 
a right, is the "aggressor" in a war. 

So that any act, any order intended to change the existing 
status quo at any vital point, especially where an armistice ex- 
ists, by strengthening, or arranging to strengthen, such a place, 
thus making force necessary, is a treacherous act of war. 

Yet, you say that the United States Government, and Abraham 
Lincoln, ordered, and secretly organized and sent, armed expedi- 
tions, under "secret" instructions, to commit acts in violation 
of existing "armistices." 

Why to organize such a force, to mobilize it, for such a pur- 
pose, is an act of war. Where an armistice exists, such an order 
is a flagrant act of war. 

You are making very serious charges, my friend. 

The Blade firmly rejoined : 

"I am stating facts, incontrovertible truths, and I am citing 
them from secret places, to establish who began war. 

"If the facts establish who was innocent, don't worry about 
the guilty, for the Prince of Darkness cares for his own, — makes 
them 'angels' in his torrid country. In our country we honor 
them in monumental stone, and send them, in 'bronze,' to teach 
foreign nations, — especially Russia, — how to obtain and pre- 
serve Liberty i " ' 

A^'ain I reminded the Blade : 

History does not state these "facts" as you do. 

The Blade flashed back: 

"History don't have to tell the truth; I wish it did; it would 
prevent an enormous waste of .sentiment in' this country. Much 
of this sentiment is so ignorant, hysterical, blind, that it often 
antagonizes truth. Some of us remember its suppressing books 
because they contained the truth, or even a truthful quotation. 
Why was Lamon's 'Life of Lincoln' so suppressed? 

"Dr. A. T. Bledsoe noticed it at length in the old Southern 
Quarterly Review. Was its truth its crime ? 

"Ward H. Lamon knew Lincoln, was his law partner. Lin- 
coln made him a colonel in the 'Secret Service,' and he was 
active in the events I am noting. Evidently Lincoln trusted 
Lamon; used Lamon. Why, and by whom, was Lamon 'sup- 
pressed ' — later ? 

10 



"When Mr. Davis, Mr. Stephens, Generals 'Dick' Taylor, 
Dabney Maury, Admiral Seinmes and others wrote defences of 
the South, many vital, illuminating facts were not , available. 
They charged deceit and treachery ; but it was denied, scoffiiigly. 

"Mr. Stephens weakened his charges by making personal ex- 
cuses for Lincoln. My Bible teaches that the personal accom- 
plishments of the fallen Lucifer enable him to lead us to the 
regions below. A man's liberty is very like his religion, bittli 
free to all; but only at the price of 'Eternal vigilance.' 

"The truth must be preserved by constant care. Falsehood 
fattens on the public common. 

"I repeat, the United States Government committed an act of 
war within eight days after Lincoln was inaugurated, with ap- 
proval of Lincoln ; and, this same day, Lincoln, personally, com- 
mitted an act clearly demonstrating his intent and purpose to 
bring on war. 

"Bear in mind that Captain Vogdes, U. S. Army, was sent 
with an armed force, on the U. S. S. Brooklyn, to reinforce Fort- 
Pickens, in January 1861; but was estopped by the 'armistice' 
of January 29th, at Pensacola bar; and that this armed force 
remained there, under Captain Vogdes, on the Brooklyn. 

"As soon as Lincoln became President and Commander-in- 
Chief, these facts became known to him, officially; and the fol- 
lowing order was sent to violate the eristing armistice, reinforce 
Fort Pickens, and inaugurate tvar. It is well known that Gen- 
eral Scott was opposed to war; but he obeyed the Commander- 
-in-Chief, Abraham Lincoln. I quote the record. 

(Extract) 
"Hd. Qrs. of the Army, 

"Washington, March 12th, 1861. 
"Sir: 

(C) At the first favorable opportunity, you will land your com- 
pany, reinforce Fort Pickens, and hold the same till further 
orders, etc. 

By command of Lieut. Gen. Scott. 

(Signed) E. D. TOWNSEND, 

Asst. Adjt. Gen. 
To Captain I. Vogdes, 
First Artillery, U. S. Army, 
on board Ship of War Brooklyn, 
off Fort Pickens, 
Pensacola, Fla." 

"This order was sent by U. S. S. Crusader, and received by 

11 



Captain Vogdes, off Pensacola, on Marcli 31st, 1861. The next 
morning he sent to Captain H. A. Adams, the following : 

"Off Pensaeola, Fla. 

April 1st, 1861. 
"Sir: 

(D) Herewith I send you a copy of an order received by me last 
night. You will see by it that I am directed to land my com- 
mand at the earliest opportunity. I have therefore to request 
that you will place at my disposal such boats and other means as 
will enable me to carry into effect the enclosed order. 

(Signed) I. VOGDES, 

Capt. 1st Artly. Comdg. 
To Captain H. A. Adam^, 
Commanding Naval Forces off Pensaeola." 

"Captain Adams averted open war on April 1st 1861, hy re- 
fusing to obey this order. 

"In his 'Report' to the Secretary of the Navy, Captain Adams 
says: 

(E) "It would be considered not only a declaration but an act of 
war; and would be resisted to the utmost. 

"Both sides are faithfully observing the agreement (armis- 
tice) entered into by the United States Government and Mr. 
Mallory and Colonel Chase, which binds us not to reinforce Fort 
Pickens unless it shall be attacked or threatened. It binds them 
not to attack it unless we should attempt to reinforce it." 

Upon receipt of this precise "Report" from Captain Adams, 
the Secretary of the Navy, regardless of the existing armistice, 
sent the following, (note its secrecy) : 

"Navy Dept., April 6th, 1861. 
"(Confidential). 
Sir: 

(F) Your di&patch of April 1st is received. The Department re- 
grets that you did not comply tvith the request of Capt. Vogdes. 
You will immediately on the first favorable opportunity after 
receipt of this order, afford every facility to Capt. Vogdes to 
enable him to land the troops under his command, it being the 
wish and intention of the Navy Department to co-operate with 
the War Department, in that object. 

(Signed) GIDEON WELLES, 

Secty. of the Navy. 
To Captain H. A. Adams, 
Commanding Naval Forces off Pen.sacola. " 

(G) "This order was sent by a special messenger, Lieut. J. L. 
Worden, TJ. S. N. Worden went bj^ rail, via Richmond, Augusta, 

12 



AtJaiita (Georgia) ; when near Atlanta he became alarmed from 
some cause, and he opened the dispatches, committed them to 
memory; then 'destroyed them'; (the act of a -spy.) He arrived 
at Pensacola at 'midnight, April 10th.' 

"On llth of April Worden saw General Bragg, and assured 
General Bragg that he 'only had a verbal message of a pacific 
nature for Captain Adams.' 

"The Lieutenant was allowed to go out to Captain Adams, 
under this 'pacific' assurance, and the existing 'armistice.' 

" 'Rough w^eather' prevented Worden from reaching Captain 
Adams on the llth. (It also prevented open war on April llth, 
1861, by delaying Worden.) 

"On April 12th Worden delivered, 'verbally, from mi'inory, ' 
the order to reinforce Fort Pickens. 

"Worden returned to Pensacola about 5:30 P. M., April I'ith. 
He avoided seeing General Bragg and boarded a train for Mont- 
gomery, en route back to Washington. 

(J) " Worden 's actions aroused suspicion, and he was followed 
and arrested next morning at Montgomery. By some means he 
escaped a spy's fate and was held 'as a prisoner of war.' 

"About a year later Worden commanded the iron clad 'Mon- 
itor' in her fight with the.C. S. S. Virginia (Merrimac.) 
(K) "To avoid a spy's fate Worden made a 'statement,' April 
16th, 1861 to L. P. Walker, Confederate States Secretary of 
War. 

(H) "On April 14th General Bragg reported his experience with 
Worden. 

(G) "Tt was not until four years later, September, 1865, (when 
the war was over, and the spy safe) that Worden reported these 
facts to the U. S. Navy Department. This report proves his 
'statement' to Secretary Walker to have been a tissue of lies. 
(L) "Captain Adams reported having landed Vogdes, and rein- 
forced Fort Pickens, on April 12\h ; but, the fact is, that Vogdes, 
impatient of delay, actually landed a part of his armed force 
and reinforced Fort Pickens after '9 P. 31/ on fJie night of 
April nth, 1861.' Here is my authority: 

(M) "April llth at 9 P. M. the Brooklyn got under way and 
fctood in toward the harbor; and during the night landed troops 
and marines on board, to reinforce Fort Pickens.' 

"That i.s from the official 'Log' of a IT. S. Ship of War, as 

13 



reported to, and filed in, the IL S. Navy Department. It con- 
firms Vogdes' statement at Fort Adams. 

' ' Captain Adams averted open war by refusing to obey orders 
twelve days before 'Fort Sumter was fired on.' 

"Captain Vogdes committee-! an act of war, at Fort Pickens, 
the night before 'Sumter was fired on.' 

"The instant that order was issued, March 12th, 1861, War 
was inaugurated, just one month before 'Sumter was fired on.' 

"The instant a military order is issvied the whole power of 
the Government enforces it. 

"The intent was to use this power to force the South to sub- 
mit to Lincoln's unconstitutional theories and acts, (confessed 
so, by Lincoln himself; and, held so, by Congress) or, defend our 
rights. 

"That order inaugurated war inevitably. A sense of honor 
in a naval officer averted open war twelve days before 'Sumter' 
was summoned to surrender. For this, this officer was officially 
reproved, and a special, secret, 'confidential' order was sent to 
him by a spy messenger, to obey the original order, (of March 
12th, 1861), 'that object being the wish and intention.' 

"This shows that on March 12th, 1861, when that order was 
issued, it was the 'wish and intention' of the U. S. Government 
to begin war. 

"There is no possible escape from this. 

' ' The official record proves it. 

"In addition to this. Captain Adams obeyed the secret spy's 
orders, and inaugurated open war at Fort Pickens, on April 
12th, 1861, the same day that 'Sumter was fired on' five hundred 
miles away; and it ivas more than a week 'before it was known at 
either Fort what had occurred at the other. The treacherous 
collusion was seoretly held in Abraham Lincoln's 'yearning' 
mind." 

The Blade paused, and I interposed : 

Do you mean that all this was done secretly, while the Con- 
federate Peace Commission wns kept waiting? (being deceived 
by Seward and Lincoln.) 

(N) "Why, Seward assured them, through Judge Campbell, on 
March 1.5th, that "Sumter will be evacuated in ten days;" and, 
there "is no intent to reinforce Fort Sumter." This assurance 
was repeated on March 20th ; Seward pleading for time and 

14 



alleging that certain men were urging the Government to use 
force ; and that time was necessary to enable the Government to 
overcome this demand for force, and make a peaceable settle- 
ment. Seward also assured" Judge Campbell "as to Fort Pick- 
ens, he, (Judge Campbell), should have notice of any design to 
alter the existing status there." 

I am quoting Judges John A. Campbell, and Samuel Nelson, 
of the U. S. Supreme Court, who were both present at all these 
interviews; and, whose veracity, unlike Seward's, has never 
been questioned. 

You know the Confederate States Peace Commissioners pre- 
sented their request on March 12tTi, 1861 ; the very day you say 
the order was sent to "reinforce Fort Pickens." 

The Blade pressed in. 
(0) "Yes; and on that same day, Mar. 12th, 1861, (through one 
of his Cabinet, Montgomery Blair), telegraphed to Blair's kins- 
man, G V. Fox, to come to Washington to arrange for an expe- 
dition to reinforce Fort Sumter. 

"These facts prove two other facts. 

"First: 'That the South was diligently using every means pos- 
sible to preserve and establish peace ; and used no treachery. 

"Second: That the United States Government, and Abraham 
Lincoln, deceived the people; deceived Congress, deceived the 
Confederate States Commissioners, by hypocritical 'yearnings,' 
aiid 'private,' 'confidential' and secret official acts, all done to 
insure Lincoln's scheme to force war on the South. 

"On March 15th, 1861, Senator Stephen A. Douglas intro- 
duced a Resolution in the U. S. Senate 'To withdraw all U. S. 
forces from the forts in the seceded states, except at Key West 
and Tortugus' (which were isolated, and really international 
in scope.) 

"Mr. Douglas also made a strong plea for peace and justice; 
and he clearly defined the limit of the President's powers. 

"Senators Clingham and Breckenridge introduced like Res- 
olutions; but the Senate adjourned March 28th, without action 
on either Resolution. 

"Does any man believe this Senate would have 'adjourned' if 
it had even suspicioned Lincoln's secret treachery? The Sen- 
ate was deceived by the hypocrisy of the conspirators, led by 
Lincoln and Seward. 

15 



"Of this action and its effect Mr. Stephens says (Vol. II, 354) : 

" 'But the understanding in the city (Washington), at the 
time of Mr Douglas' speech, and the time the assurance was 
given to the Confederate States Commissioners was, that Fort 
Sumter was to be immediately evacuated. 

" 'This intelligence was telegraphed throughout the country 
on the 14th of March; the second day after the date of the Con- 
federate States Commissioners' note to Mr, Seward, and the day 
before the first meeting Mr. Seward had with Judge Campbell. 
I have little doubt, therefore, that, at that time, Mr, Lincoln had 
decided to withdraw all United States forces from the limits of 
the Confederate States.' 

"No man believes that General Scott ordered Captain Vogdes 
to commit an act of war without the order or the approval of 
the Commander-in-Chief, Abraham Lincoln ; for," it was known 
that General Scott was opposed to war, and advised against it. 
Geneial Scott's words were: 'Let the wayward sisters go in 
peace ' 

"That order emanated from Abraham Lincoln. No other power 
could have forced it. General Scott obeyed orders. 

"Mr. Stephens wrote in ignorance of the fact that Lincoln 
had secretly committed an act of war the very day the Con- 
federate Peace Commissioners presented their peace proposal, 
March 12th, 1861, a week after Lincoln was inaugurated, and 
three days before Mr. Douglas introduced his Resolution. 

"Another fact is here established; that the first move by each 
party was on March 12th, 1861. The South comes for peace, 
openly ; and Lincoln comes with a war order, — in secret ! 

"Had Lincoln died a natural death, that 'cunning which was 
genius,' would have destroyed the evidence of his 'secret,' 'pri- 
vate,' 'confidential,' treacherous acts of war, which he covered 
up by complaining of his soul being 'burdened,' and his heart 
'yearning for peace and union,' while he secretly, viciously, re- 
morselessly inaugurated the war against the South ! 

"If the God of our fathers, through the tragedy of Lincoln's 
death, saved the Truth for us and posterity, let us remember 
that better men than Abraham Lincoln have died that Truth 
might live. 

"I have found no record, no authority, showing that Abraham 
Lincoln ever entertained a 'peaceful intent' except in his own 

16 



■protestations; which the facts, a.s to his own acts, prove to have 
been utterl}' false; and intended to deceive and mislead. 
(0) "In 1865 Gr. V. Fox made a detailed report as to his 'expedi- 
tion. ' 

(P) "in a letter to Montgomery IMair, dated Mar. Isl, 1861, Pox 
says pointedly, that the object of his 'plans' was 'the reinforc- 
ing of Fort Sumter.' In his detailed statement (1865) he says 
On Ffbriiarij 6th, (1861) I met, by arrangement (at Army 
Head(inarters) Lieutenant Norman J. Hall, who had been sent 
from Fort Sumter by Major Anderson' and Sve discussed the 
question of relieving Fort Sumter. 'Lieutenant Hall's plan' 
was discussed. So, Hall, whom Anderson 'sent,' had a plan. 
(R) On Mar 8th, 1861, Fox writes to General Scott: 'Lieutenant 
Hall and myself have had several free conferences; and, if he 
is permitted by South Carolina authorities to re-enter Fort 
Sumter, Major Anderson will comprehend the 'j^lan' for his 
relief. ' 

"This can only mean that Anderson was in collusion with 
Fox, Hall, Blair, Lincoln and others in their 'plans' to 'rein- 
force Sumter' and inaugurate war; for ' HalV was 'sent by Maj. 
Anderson' and met and conferred with Fox 'by arrangement ;' 
and was intending, if 'permitted,' to 're-enter Fort Sumter,' 
and naturally report to Maj. Anderson who would 'comprehend 
the plan' to 're-enforce and relieve Fort Sumter.' 
(S) "Remember that Maj. Anderson commanded Fort Moultrie 
with its garrison when South Carolina seceded December 20th, 
1860. On December 26th, the country was electi'ified by the 
news that 'during the previous night, Major Anderson had 
dismantled Fort IMonltrie, spiked his guns, burned his gun car- 
riages, and removed his command to Fort Sumter.' 

"Up to that time South Carolina had not seized a fort. This 
action violated the agreement not to change the existing militray 
status; and South Carolina at onee took possession of the other 
forts and defences. 

"Anderson was now scheming with Fox. Blair, Ilall, and 
Lincoln on a 'plan' to reinforce Sumter. 

Every one of them knew it meant war. Not a word, not an 
act, in the whole 'plans' could bo twisted into a 'yearning for 
peace and union.' 
(0) "C. V. Fox arrived at Washington on 'Mar. 18th' and had 

17 



several interviews with Lincoln, Blair, and General Scott. It 
appears that General Scott still opposed any forcing of war, 

"On March 19th Fox at his own suggestion, was sent to Fort 
Sumter where he had an interview with Major Anderson the 
21st, and arranged for Anderson to hold out until 'April 15th.' 
Fox then returned to Washington, made his report, and the 
expedition took shape. So that Fox was simply Lincoln's spy 
and his arrangement with Anderson (which Fox denies, but 
facts sustain) was, and was intended to be, a 'reinforcement.' 

"The U. S. Senate was in 'executive session;' but no mention 
of these secret matters was made to this Senate (or any other), 
by Lincoln. Postmaster General Blair was the active .supporter 
of the Lincoln-Fox war expedition. 

"Montgomery Blair was a West Point graduate, and ex-offi- 
cer of the U. S- Army, who left the service to practice law. He 
was counsel for Dred Scott in the noted case before the IT. S. 
Supreme Court; and was now urging the Fox 'expedition,' 
knowing it meant war. 

"On March 28th the Senate adjourned. The next day Lin- 
coln began to act, and sent the following order to the Secretary 
of the Navy : 

"Executive Mansion, 

March 29th, 1861. 
"Sir: 

(T) I desire that an expedition, to move by sea be got ready to 
sail as early as the 6th of April next, the whole according to 
memorandum attached: and that you co-operate with the Secre- 
tary of War for that object. 

Your obedient servant, 

(Signed) A. LINCOLN. 
"To Honorable Secretary of the Navy." 

"The memorandum attached called for — from the Navy — 
three ships of war. The Pocahontas, the Pawnee, and the Har- 
riet Lane; and '300 seamen, and one month's stores.' From the 
War Department '200 men, ready to leave garrison; and one 
year's stores.' 

(0) " On Mar. 30th Lincoln sent G. V. Fox to New York to pre- 
pare transports, etc., for the Fort Sumter expedition; and the 
(V) Secretary of the Navy issued orders, marked 'private' for 
the three ships of war, named by Lincoln, to be ready by April 
6th." 

18 



Again I questioned the Blade : 
(N) Have you forgotten that on Saturday, March :30th, Judge 
Campbell, who was the intermediary selected by Secretary Sew- 
ard to communicate between Lincoln, Seward and the Confed- 
erate States Commissioners, saw Mr. Seward about a telegram 
from Governor Pickens (of South Carolina), making inquiries 
as to rumors about Fort Sumter; and that Seward reassured 
Judge Campbell, and promised "a satisfactory answer to the 
Governor's telegram by next Monday, April 1st?" 

This telegram from Governor Pickens inquired concerning 
Colonel Lamon, who was in Charleston, "ostensibly to arrange 
the proposed evacuation of Fort Sumter." 

On Monday, April 1st, Mr. Seward stated to Judge Campbell, 
"The President may desire to supply Fort Sumter but will not 
do SO;" and added, "There is no design to reinforce Fort Sum- 
ter." 

Do you mean to say that in the face of these official, peaceful 
assurances, which held the Confederates Commission waiting; 
that these war expeditions were secretly ordered, and organized 
by Lincoln and Seward, to reinforce Fort Pickens and Fort Sum- 
ter? Why that was actual, active war! 

The Blade responded pointedly: 

"Yes! I mean to say that; and more. Remember that Sew- 
ard and Shouler both clearly state that Lincoln was privy to all 
of ScMard's actions. April 1st, 1861, was a very red letter day 
for what Seward described as that 'cunning which was genius' 
in Abraham Lincoln. 

The following order by General Scott varies the usual military 
form so as to place the responsibility on higher authority. The 
first sentence clearly indicates this to any one conversant with 
military affairs. Lincoln's written approval fastens the fact. 
(Extracts) "Hd. Qurs. of the Army, 

Washington, April 1st, 1861. 
"Sir: 

(W) You have been designated to take command of an expedi- 
tion to reinforce and hold Fort Pickens in the harbor of Pen.sa- 
cola. You will proceed to New York where steam transportation 
for four companies will be engaged ; — and putting on board such 
supplies as you can ship without delay proceed at once to your 
destination. The object and destination of this expedition tvill 
he communicated to no one to whom it is not aJreadjf knonm. 

(Signed) WINFIELD SCOTT. 

19 



To Brevet Colonel Harvey Brown, U. S. Army. 
Approved April 2nd, 1861. 

"(Signed) ABRAHAM LINCOLN." 

"Evidently General Scott required Lincoln's written author- 
ity before committing this act of war. 

"Lincoln, to insure the intent of this 'order,' issued a special 
order, as follows: 

(Enclosure) "Executive Mansion, 

Washington, April 1st, 1861. 
(X) "All officers of the Army and Navy, to whom this order may 
be exhibited will aid by every means in their power the expedi- 
tion under the command of Colonel Brown; supply him' with 
men and material; and co-operating with him as he may desire. 

(Signed) ABRAHAM LINCOLN." 

The Blade paused and I remarked : 

You have cited two expeditions to "reinforce Fort Pickens" — 
Vogdes, and Brown; and the Fox expedition to "reinforce Fort 
Sumter. ' ' 

(N) Yet, that same day, Apr. 1st, 1861, Seward had solemnlyas- 
sured Judge Campbell that he should have notice of any design 
to change the "existing status at Fort Pickens" and reasserted 
there was "no design to reinforce Fort Sumter." 

The Blade resumed : 

"Well, Seward had his part in the Lincoln scheme and played 
it; ju.st as Chase did in the Peace Congress. It M'as all in keep- 
ing with Lincoln's creed and practice. 

"In 1848 Lincoln was an avowed 'Revolutionist.' In 1858, 
after seventy years of phenomenal growth and prosperity, he 
declared 'this government cannot continue to exist half slave 
and half free. " 

"That was a good anti-constitutional 'Revolutionist' text. 

"In December, 1860, Senator Douglas introduced in the U. 
S. Senate a measure to protect the states in their constitutional 
rights; and to punish those guilty of inter-state insurrection or 
invasions such as John Brown's Harper's Ferry murder and 
arson raid. 

"In a speech at Cooper Union, New York, Lincoln denounced 
this Douglas Resolution, or measure, as a 'Sedition Bill.' Was 
not that protecting and defending John Brown's 'raid' of arson 
and murder; and such like crimes against society and govern- 
ment? If so, how will you designate such a character? 

20 



"Fort Sumter will be supplied, peaceably if allowed, forcibly 

"Considered as an incident, (Lincoln being elected but not 
yet inaugurated), it suggests that perhaps such a mea-sure as 
Senator Douglas introduced would have hampered Lincoln's 
secret designs. 

"I have alluded to the public announcement by S. P. Chase, 
Lincoln's avowed spokesman, in the 'Peace Congress' in 1861; 
thirty days before Lincoln was inaugurated. 
(xx) _^"That was the most open, direct, defiant, disunion speech 
ever made b}^ a representative of any party in the United States, 
to that date, outside of New England. Radicals, like Thad 
Stevens, paralleled it later. 

"It asserted, unequivocally, that the election of 1860 empow- 
ered Lincoln's 'party' to enforce their political theories on the 
country, regardless of the Constitution, the laws, the rights of 
the states, or the decisions of the Supreme Court ; and that Lin- 
coln would do so. 

"And he did. 
(Y) "Five days before Lincoln wa.s inaugurated Congress passed 
a Resolution pronouncing the practice of political theories (as 
promulgated by S. P. Chase and several Northern states), to be 
violations of the Constitution. 

"The new Congress (elected in 1860), was more favorable to 
the constitution being upheld than was the outgoing Congress, 
which passed the Resolution cited; and knowing this, Lincoln 
did not convene this Congress until war was actually assured." 

T questioned the Blade : 

"That being true, as you state, what of Lincoln's 'yearning 
for peace and union,' which so 'burdened his soul?' You would 
put him in the class with John Brown. 

After a moment the Blade answered : 

"T have no desire to insult John Brown. I am citing facts, 
in the interest of justice and truth. If these facts indicate that 
Lincoln was an enlarged edition of the Harper's Ferry anarch- 
ist, these same facts' make the inference to remit from Lincoln's 
own actions. 

"If Lincoln 'yearned' for peace, why did he refuse to even 
<liseuss peace with the Peace Commissioners who were there in 
Washington, deceived and waiting? 

"If 'peace and union burdened' his soul, why did he not con- 

21 



vene Congress to assume the 'burden' of peace, or war, as the 
Constitution required ? 

"Have you forgotten Lincoln's attack on the Virginia Con- 
vention? This Sovereign Convention met at Richmond Feb- 
ruary ]3th, 1861. It voted down several secession resolutions 
about three to one. It was for the Constitutional Union. 
(Z) "This Convention remained in session waiting impatiently 
for Lincoln to put into actual practice his avowed 'peace and 
unon' intent and purpose; but this Convention wavS also on 
guard ; ready to protect Virginia from any unconstitutional acts. 
Lincoln's consciousness of his owti secret perfidy made him fear 
this Convention; and he attempted to have it dissolved, so as to 
leave Virginia open to his schemes, a la Maryland. 

"On April 2nd, 1861, the very day he had approved a secret 
act of war, i. e., to 'reinforce Fort Pickens,' Lincoln and Seward 
selected — as Lincoln's confidential messenger — a gentleman, a 
Virginian, a constitutional union man, then practicing law in 
Washington ; and at that time Judge Advocate of the U. 
S. Naval Court Martial. This was Allan B. Magruder. 

"Lincoln instructed Magruder to go to Richmond, see Judge 
G-eorge W. Summers (a leading union member of the Virginia 
Convention, one of the five delegates to the 'Peace Congress') 
and urge Summers to 'come to Washington, at once, by next 
Friday' to confer with Lincoln on 'matters of great import- 
ance,' and if Summers could not come, then for Summers to 
'select a union man to come.' 

"Magruder went to Richmond that night (Tuesday, April 
2nd). He saw Judge Summers, who, being unable to leave Rich- 
mond, consulted other union men, and they selected and sent 
John B. Baldwin, a fellow member, union man, to 'confer with 
Lincoln.' 

"Baldwin was in secret conference with Lincoln, Thursday 
morning, April 4th. Baldwin advised, urged Lincoln to call a 
conference of the states, and to issue a 'peaceful union proclama- 
tion,' giving official assurance of what Lincoln had so broadly 
preached of 'yearning for peace.' 

"Lincoln said, 'I fear you are too late.' Lincoln knew he 
then had four secret ivar expeditions moving. 

"Lincoln appealed to Baldwin: 

" 'Why don't you adjourn the convention? Yes, I mean sine 
die. It is a standing menace to me.' 

22 



"Lincoln was afraid of that convention. 

"Baldwin refused to have the convention 'adjourned,' and 
warned Lincoln : ' If a gun is fired, Virginia will secede in 48 
houi"s. ' 

"Baldwin could get no assurance from Lincoln, whose object 
was to 'adjourn' that convention. 

"As Baldwin left, he met, and spoke to, 'Seven Governors' 
waiting in Lincoln's rooms. 

"This is the only authentic statement 1 have seen of these 
mysterious 'Seven Governors' who were credited with urging 
Lincoln to 'use force.' 

, "Lincoln had made the war inevitable, before this meeting. 
"Ten days later, after three of Lincoln's secret and treacher- 
ous acts had culminated in open war, this collosal 'yearning' hyp- 
ocrit 'proclaimed' war, and gave as his excuse that the South 
fired on Fort Sumter. He also called Congress to meet in special 
session; but 'cunningly' postponed its assembling eighty days 
to July 4th, 1861. 

"He could have convened Congress in ten days. He did "con- 
vene' an army at Washington, in less than ten days. To com- 
vene Congress in ten days would have hampered Lincoln's 
schemes. 

"That Virginia Convention had not 'adjourned.' and that 
union convention voted to secede, 88 to 55, ' within 48 hours, ' as 
Col. Baldwin had warned; Baldwan and Summers both voting 
for secession. 

"As to Seward, and his assurances to Judge Campbell, as to 
Fort Sumter; the following document is distinct enough to fix 
his treachery: 

(Extracts) • Hd. Qurs. of the Army, 

(Confidential) Washington, April 4th, 1861. 

"Sir: 

(i) This will be handed to you by Captain G. V. Fox, an ex- 
officer of the Navy. He is charged by authority here, with the 
command of an expedition (under cover of certain ships of war) 
whose object is, to reinforce Fort Sumter. 

To embark with Captain Fox, you will cause a detachment of 
recruits, say about 200, to be immediately organized at Fort 
Columbus, with competent number c^f officers, arms, ammunition, 
and subsistence, with other necessaries needed for the augment- 
ed garrison at Fort Sumter. 

Consult Captain Fox, etc. ^^^^^ 

(Signed) WINFIELD SCOTT. 

To Lieut. Col. H. L. Scott, Aide de Camp." 

23 



I eoinmeiited again : 

Why, tlic official notice sent to Governor Pickens was that 
"Port. Sumter will be supplied, peaceably if allowed, forcibly 
if necessary." These are orders to '^reinforce Fort Sumter." 
You are questioning the truth of this official notice. 

"Exactly that/' responded the Blade. 

The Blade mused a moment, then continued : 

"There is more yet of April 1st. Having three 'expeditions' 
under way to 'reinforce' Forts Pickens and Sumter, each an act 
of war, Lincoln decided to send a fourth expedition, to hasten, 
and insure war, by a direct and violent use of force. 

"This expedition he planned |and organized personally. In it 
he deceived his Secretary of the Navy ! and kept the War De- 
partment in ignorance. Even Fox never knew of it until all 
was over. 

"For this expedition Lincoln selected Lieutenant D. D. Por- 
ter, U. S. N., and ordered him to take the fastest ship of war 
in the Atlantic squadron. 

' ' Here are the orders : 

"Executive Mansion, 
Washington, April 1st, 1861. 
"Sir: 

(2) You will proceed to New York and with least possible delay 
assume command of any steamer available. 

Proceed to Pensacola Harbor, and, at any cost or risk, prevent 
any expedition from the main land reaching Fort Pickens, or 
Santa Rosa. 

You will exhibit this order to any Naval Officer at Pensacola, 
if you deem it necessary, after yoiC have estahlishcd ijourself 
within the harhor. 

This order, its object, and your destination will be communi- 
cated to no person whatever, until you reach the harbor of Pen- 
sacola. (Signed) ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
To Lieutenant D. D. Porter, U. S. Navy. 
Recommended : 

(Signed) Wm. H. Seward." 

"Lincoln knew there was an armistice existing at Pensacola. 
The narrow channel leading into the 'harbor' was guarded by 
more than 100 Confederate guns. 

"Thi.s order iras to violate the harhor and force a passage 
into the 'harbor of Pensacola.' 

Jt was irar! 

24 



"One of the forts guarding this channel, 'Barrancas,' was 
couniianded by Captain Theodore O'Hara, C. S. Army.* 
' ' On the same day Lincoln sent the following telegram : 

"Washington, April 1st, 1861. 
(3) "'Fit out Powhatan to go to sea at the earliest possible mo- 
ment, under sealed orders. Orders by a eonfideutial messcng-n- 
go forward tomorrow. 

(Signed) ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
To Commandant Navy Yard, Brooklyn, N. Y." 

"The following order was also sent' confirming the telegram: 

"Executive Mansion, 

April 1st, 1861. 
"Sir: 

(3) You will fit out the Powhatan without delay. Lieutenant 
Porter will relieve Captain Mercer ni command of her. She is 
bound on secret service; and you will under no circumstances 
communicate to the Navy Department the fact that she is fitting 
out. 

(Signed) ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
To Commandant Navy Yard, New York." 

(14) "The Powhatan had just made tlu^ run Havana to New 
York in five days. She could pi-obably make New York to Pen. 
sacola in the same time. 

"The signatures of these conspirators to these orders brands 
Abraham Lincoln's 'yearnings' as hypocritical whinings; his 
inaugural assurances, 'The Government will not assail you,' and 
his statements to A. B. Magruder and John B. Baldwin as ex- 
actly characteristic. 

"It brands every statement of his henchmen ami co-c<)us})ira- 
tor, Seward, to which Lincoln was privy, as deliberate, willful, 
malicious, conspiring treachery. 

' ' On this same day, April 1st, the Secretary of the Navy, being 
ignorant of Lincoln's secret orders to Powliatan, added the Pow- 
hatan to the Lincoln-Fox-Fort Sumter expedition, with her Cap- 
tain, Mercer, in command of the fleet, as the foUow-ing shows: 
"Telegram. "Washington, April 1st, 1861. 

(4) Fit out Powhatan to go to sea at earliest possible moment. 

(Signed) GIDEON WELLES, Secty. of Navy. 
To Commandant Navy Yard, Brooklyn, N. Y." 

"It appears that tlie Secretary of Navy was urging the Pow- 



* Author of "Bivonnn of the Dend. ' . , ,, , ,, , 

Soon after this O'HiUM was elocted Polonel of TJth Ro-nnent .Mril.iiina Vol- 

nnteers. Later lie was Cliief of Staff to General .Tohn ( . Lrepkenridge. I he 

writer met him nt Shiloh. knew him at rolnmhus. and witne-^sed Ins Imal 
entombment at Frankfort. 

25 



hatan to be ready for the Fox expedition against Sumter, and 
Lincoln was secretly hurrying the same ship for Porter to use 
against Pensacola. 

"On April 5th the Secretary of Navy issued the following 
order to her Captain Mercer. He was still ignorant of Lincoln's 
order of April 1st : 

"(Extract) 

(5) "(Confidential) "Navy Dept., April 5th, 1861. 
"Sir: 

The U. S. Steamere, Po\diatan, Pawnee, Pocahontas, and Har- 
riet Lane, will compose a naval force under your command, to 
be sent to the vicinity of Charleston, S. C, for the purpose of 
aiding in carrying out the object of an expedition of which the 
War Department has charge. The expedition has been intrust- 
ed to Captain Gr. V. Fox. 

You vvdll leave New York with the Powhatan in time to be off 
Charleston bar, 10 miles distant from and due east of the light 
house on the morning of the 11th instant, there to await the ar- 
rival of the transports with troops and stores. The Pawnee and 
Pocahontas will be ordered to join you there, at the time men- 
tioned, and also the Harriet Lane, etc. 

(Signed) GIDEON WELLES, 

Secretary of Navy. 
To Captain Samuel Mercer, 

Comdg. U. S. S. Powhatan, New York." 

(6) "Regardless of this order, on April 6th, Lieut Porter, on 
the Powhatan, sailed, under Lincoln's orders. 

"Seward mast have repented, lost his nerve, for he 'funked' 
and sent the following: 

"Telegram. "April 6th, 1861. 

(7) "Give the Powhatan up to Captain Mercer. 

(Signed) SEWARD.. 
To Lieutenant D. D. Porter." 

"Porter had sailed. A dispatch boat was sent with this 'tele- 
gram' to overtake the Powhatan, which it did, and Lieutenant 
Porter answered, as follows: 

"April 6th, 1861. 

(8) "T received my orders from the President, and shall proceed 
and execute them. 

(Signed) D. D. PORTER 
To Hon. Wm. H. Seward." 

26 



"Before sailing oii 6th, Lieutenant Porter instructed the Navy- 
Yard officials, 'Detain all letters for five days.' 

"He evidently expected to reacli hi.s destination by 'April 
nth.' 

" 'Storms' and 'defective boilei-s' delayed the Powhatan, and 
Lieutenant Porter did not reach Pensacola at the expected time. 
When he arrived he had the Powhatan 'disguised' and 'flying 
English colors.' Being ignorant of events at Fort Pickens (and 
Sumter) he headed direct for the channel, to force an entrance 
to 'Pensacola harboi'. ' Here is what Porter himself .says, in his 
Report : 

(lo) " 'I had disguised the .ship, so that she deceived tho.se who 
had know^n her, and was standing in (unnoticed), when the 
Wyandotte commenced making signals, which I did not answer, 
but stood on. 

The steamer then put herself in my way and Captain Meigs, 
who was aboard, hailed me and I stopped. 

In twenty minutes more I should have been inside (Pensacola 
harbor) or sunk. 

(Signed) D. D. PORTER, U. S. Navy." 

"This action, itself, was elo(|uent of the design, purpose, of 
Lincoln's secret, specific 'orders' to Lieutenant Porter dated 
April 1st, 1861, to force war! 

"Lincoln's 'cunning which was genius' was exemplified in 
the fact that he had four 'expeditions' at the same time, to force 
war, at points five hundred miles apart, and neither of the offi- 
cers in command of an 'expedition' knew of the existence, the 
object nor the destination of either of the others. 

"That these 'secret expeditions' seem to have been designed 
to culminate on 'the 11th instant" is a remarkably suggestive, 
if not indicative, coincidence. 

" 'Rough weather, 'gales,' 'storms,' 'defecetive boilers,' caus- 
ing delays; and Adams' refusal to obey orders, all combined to 
make a rather tangled web of 'Honest Abe's' secret treachery. 
But notwithstanding all these delays and misfits, the facts estab- 
lish that open war was averted on April 1st, 1861, by Captain 
Adams, who was reproved for it ; that this delayed act was ac- 
complished by Vogdes, on the night of April 11th, 1861; before 
Fort Sumter was 'fired on' (April 12th. 1861.) 

27 



"Had Fort Sumter not existed, there would have been open 
war forced on the South, at Fort Pickens, on April 1st, 1861, if 
Captain Adams had obeyed positive 'orders.' Tliat tvas the 
avowed 'wish and intention.' '' 

After a moment of silence, I commented : 

(12) I recall that Captain Barron of U. S. Navy, made a special 
report on the good faith being observed by both parties to the 
"armistice" existing at Pensaeola; and that Captain Poor, U. 
S. Navy, reported that the Powhatan attempted to force an en- 
trance to Pensaeola harbor, (9) "flying English colors." 

(13) Also, that dispatches were captured, at Charleston, which 
divulged that Captain Fox acted the part of a spy, and so de- 
ceived Governor Pickens. 

It is strange that histories and biographies do not mention 
these facts. 

The Blade retorted: 

"Histories and biographies are very much like Lincoln, who 
was often made to say things to fit into the designs of a powerful 
political faction. His first inaugural address was so 'doctored.' 
When Lincoln read that 'Gettysburg Speech' he must have won- 
dered at his own eloquence; for he never voiced it (as printed.) 

"I am not guided by what histories and biographies may say; 
nor by the opinions of any friend, or foe, of Lincoln. 

"I credit Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, 
with knowing what his office required him to know, and he cer- 
tainly knew. That premise fixed, his own words, and acts, are 
his passport ; — 

"This is, Coilautogle Ford!" 

"Lincoln fixed upon himself the responsibility for war, by 
telling only a part of the Truth. 

"It is significant, that he never convened Congress until July 
4th, 1861, months after he had the war actively inaugurated. 
In his message to this Congress, he acknowledged having com- 
mitted unconstitutional acts. 

"The flimsy sophisms by which he attempted to excuse his 
usurpations would not be allowed in any court. Any school 
debating club would ridicule such an argument. 

"Congress, dazed by war, inaugurated without its knowledge 
or consent, (as the constitution required), received hLs 'mes- 
sage' July 4th, 1861. 

28 



(i6) "On July lOtli, a joint Resolution was introduced in the U. 
S. Senate to legalize Lincoln's unconstitutional acts. The first 
sentence of this 'Joint Resolution' fixes its character. 

" Whereas, since the adjournment of Congress on the 4th day 
of Marcli last, a formidable insurrection in certain states of this 
Union has arrayed itself in armed hostility to the government 
of the United States, constitutionally administered, etc' 

"It is evident from the facts cited in this paper (which were 
not available for years after this Resolution was penned), that 
there was no 'Government of the United States constitutionally 
administered,' in existence, at the time noted. There was un- 
constitutional 'armed hostility' secretly organized, and sent to 
invade the South, while the Southern Peace Commission was in 
Washington 'urging' peace; and deceived by assurances of 
'peaceful intent.' 

"The 'Joint Resolution' itself is based on Lincoln's acknuwl- 
edgment that the 'Government' was not 'constitutionally admin- 
istered;' and the avowed object and intent of the 'Resolution' 
itself was to legalize the unconstitutional administration of the 
'Government of the United States, by Abraham Lincoln, whose 
'oath' bound him to 'preserve, protect, and defend the Consti- 
tution of the United States.' 

"Had Abraham Lincoln kept his oath and 'preserved' the 
'Constitution,' the Union would have been 'preserved;' and 
there would have been no war. 

"No one knew this better than Abraham Lincoln, and his 
spokesman, S. P. Chase, whose defiant 'notice' I have cited. 
Lincoln made that 'notice' good; not his 'oath.' 

"The 'Joint Resolution' names the following six unconstitu- 
tional acts, as confessed by Lincoln: 

"He calls for 75,000 men, April 15th, 1861. 

"He proclaims a 'blockade,' April 19th, 1861. 

"He proclaims a second blockade, April 27th, 1861. 

"He authorizes a military officer to suspend Habeas Corpus in 
Maryland and Pennsylvania, April 27th, 1861. 

"He calls for 35,000 volunteers,^ May 3rd, 1861. 

"He authorizes a military officer to suspend Habeas Corpus in 
Florida, May 10th. 1861. 

"Here is the enacting clause of that 'Joint Resolution ' 

29 



" 'Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States in Congress assembled ; That all the extra- 
ordinary acts, proclamations, and orders hereinbefore mention- 
ed be and the same are hereby approved, and declared to be in 
all respects legal and valid, to the same, and with the same 
effect as if they had been issued and done under the previous 
express authority, and direction, of the Congress of the United 
States. ' 

"In this enacting clause Congress itself brands Lincoln's acts 
as illegal, invalid, unconstitutional.' ' 

Here, I interposed to say: 

There is no allusion in that "Joint Resolution" to the secret, 
unconstitutional "orders" and "expeditions" you have cited, 
and which inaugurated the war, months before this Congress 
was allowed to convene. 

Lincoln's confession begins with his "proclamation" April 
15th. He secretly inaugurated war March 12th. He had four 
seeret war "expeditions" before April 5th, 1861. 

Why did not Lincoln tell all the truth — to Congress? 

The Blade seemed astonished by my question : 
, ' ' Don 't think Lincoln was a fool ! He was a knave. He never 
told all the truth even 'part of the time.' 

"He was a 'joker,' and never knew all he told. That is why 
he was called 'Honest Abe.' 

"To have this 'Joint Resolution' adopted by Congress, all the 
influence of Lincoln, his Cabinet, and his 'party' was exerted, 
but, having no power to legalize crime. Congress refused. 

"The 'Joint Resolution' was never even acted on to this good 
day! 

"You may conjecture from this what would have happened 
if Senator Douglas had lived and been in his seat ; or, if Lin- 
coln had told 'all the truth,' (the facts as here stated), to that 
Congress which was opposed to the Chase doctrines. 

"Impeachment was not, in either case, an improbability. 

"In 1861, Lincoln authorized a military officer to suspend the 
writ of Habeas Corpus in Penn.sylvania and Maryland. 

"A citizen of Maryland ^as arrested and imprisoned in a 
military stronghold. The citizen sued out a writ of Habeas 
Corpus. 

30 



"Chief Justice, Roger B. Taney, of the U. S. Supreme Court, 
ordered the parties to appear before him at Baltimore. 

"The military officer refused to supply tlie court with a copy 
of the order of arrest; and refused to obey the writ. His ex- 
cuse was, that he was 'authorized by the President to suspend 
the writ of Habeas Corpus at liis discretion,' and, that he 'sus- 
pends it in this case.' 

"Judge Taney proceeded to hear the case, ex parte, and ren- 
dered the court's decision. 

"He pronounced every phase of the proceedings to be uncon- 
stitutional, null and void. He denied the power of fhe Presi- 
dent to suspend Habeas Corpus under any circumstances ; much 
lers the power to authorize a military officer to exercise it. 

"He ordered 'a copy' of this decision, under the seal of the 
United States Supreme Court, to be delivered, by a court mes- 
senger 'to the President of the United States.' 

"That was the most just and masterly rebuke ever delivered 
since Elijah denounced Ahab for crimes far less! 

"Remember, too, that Ahab also went 'softly, yearningly,' but 
that 'in his son's days,' God struck! 

' ' The venerable Chief Justice died during Lincoln 's first term, 
and Lincoln appointed the constitution-defying Salmon P. 
Chase to succeed him. 

"It is pertinent to remember, that Senator Stephen A. 
Douglas had pointedly declared the limit of the President's 
pow ers ; and Douglas knew Lincoln. Had Mr. Douglas lived to 
meet with the Senate July 4th, 1861, it is almost a certainty that 
he would have begun impeachment proceedings ; but Mr. Douglas 
died June 3rd, 1861. The dying words of Mr. Douglas, to his 
sons were eloquent of his thought, his patriotism: 'Obey the 
]pL\v, and support the Constitution.' 

"What history or biography cites the facts as to Lincoln's 
attempt to buy, to bribe, the Ohio Democratic committee, when 
Lincoln offered to 'remit' the sentence of Vallandingham ? 

"When 'Conscription' was enforced in 1863, there was a 'riot' 
in New York. Among the leading men who openly denounced 
'Conscription' w^as C. L. Vallandingham, of Ohio. Gen. Burn- 
side arrested Vallandingham and he was exiled, banished, by 
Lincoln's order. 

31 



"The Democrats of Ohio through a committee of prominent 
leaders petitioned Lincoln to release Vallandingham from the 
sentence. 

(13X) " 'Lincoln offered to remit the sentence of Vallandingham, 
if the committee of prominent democrats ivho petitioned for Val- 
landingham, would sign a statement that rebellion existed; that 
Constitutional measures were taken u'hen the army and navy 
were iised to suppress it; and each of the committee ivould also 
use his influence and potver to carry on the war. 

"The Democratic committee refused. Vallandingham was 
nominated by Democrats for Governor of Ohio. 

" 'Vallandingham returned, without leave, from his banish- 
ment', and was leader in Democratic Convention at Chicago, Au- 
gust 27th-29th, 1864, when McClellan was nominated. 

" 'Lincoln did not deem it wise to rearrest Vallandingham.' 

"Being characteristic, comment is unnecessary. 

' ' Much more could be said ; of Martial law declared ; Habeas 
Corpus suspended. Legislatures throttled by military force — in 
non-seceding States, too, — but surely this is sufficient to satisfy 
any ojDen intelligence. 

" Gr. V. Fox, the Fort Sumter spy, was made ' Assistant Secre- 
tary of the U. S. Navy.' John L. Worden, the Pensacola spy, 
rose to be Admiral. 

"Who violated his official oath; violated the Constitution, and 
the laws; defied the Supreme Court of the United States; thus 
disrupting the 'Compact of Union?' 

"Who suppressed the Constitutional voice of Congress,^ 
while he, secretly, with deceit and treachery, inaugurated war? 

"The immutable facts answer — 

"Abraham Lincoln. 

"As was said of Caesar Borgia, who was Machiavelli's model: 

" 'His genius was little more than the lack of principle, which 
allowed no scruple to stand in the way of his design.' 

"Borgia, too, was idolized by his followers. A cardinal at 
seventeen, he convulsed his country before he was thirty ; was 
killed, in exile, at thirty-two ; and his memory and fame rest 
on his crimes ! 

"The Record shows clearly that there was a Conspiracy led by 

32 



Abraham Lincoln who was impulsed by envy, and hate, of the 
South ; and whose sole ambition was to lead in destroying. 

"They rioted, without scruple, in secret depths of moral and 
political depravity before unknown. 

"No wonder that men like Mr. Jefferson Davis, Mr. Steph- 
ens, Admiral Semmes, Generals Johnston, Taylor, Maury 
and others hesitated to write freely; for a clean man, a gentle- 
man, could not conceive of such depths of treachery, 

"The wonder is, that sucTi men as Lincoln, Chase, Seward, 
Welles, Blair, Fox, Worden, and their henchmen, with all their 
genius for cunning, unscrupulous depravity, failed to find one 
single act, or word, whicli could be tortured, even by their vile 
processes, into a ienable charge of duplicity, or crime, against 
the men whom the South put forward, and followed. 

"THEY TRIED IT, AND FAILED! 

"This knowledge is a finer heritage of truth, and honor; than 
is advertised in all the stone, brass, and bronze, from Baston 
to the Western sunset ! ' ' 

The voice of the Blade changed ; there came a ringing, vibrat- 
ing challenge in it. 

"No Southern statesman; no advocate of State's Rights; ever 
denounced the Constitution ; or the Constitutional Union ; or de- 
fied the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, in 
any speech, address, or party announcement, ever made. 

"No Southern state ever failed to comply, loyally, with her 
obligations to every other state, or to the United States, as pre- 
scribed, and required, by the Constitution of the United States. 

"I challenge refutation!" 

The Blade ceased. 

Do you wonder that I love the Blade for the dangers we have 
shared, and the un-afraid Truth that is in it? 
Its "Challenge" stands! 



'V.^ 



EN-AMI. 

To those who may resent the thrusts of the Blade : 

I assert that the South did a lion's share to win the Ameri- 
can Revolution. This, my friends, is "our" country. 

We fought for it when blood was its price. We paid for its 
institutions when gold was the price. 

Beside the Blade, a brace of tine old pistols rest, bearing 
many scars of service in that Revolution. In virtue of one I 
can wear the "Eagle" of the Cincinnati; of the other the South- 
ern "Cross." One typifies victory for — the other suppression of 
— the same principles and rights. 

Principles abide! 

Try and realize, my friends, that no individual is necessary to 
our security or our happiness ; and, that the most irritating bur- 
den to a proud people is injustice ; and that injustice to the right 
- — the patriotism of a courageous people — is to them the most 
hideous. 

When a jury of our peers consider the facts and so find one 
guilty — do we expect or hear denunciation of the facts, or the 
verdict ? Is not every good citizen earnest and diligent to sup- 
port justice and right? 

If this is true in our communities, our States, why not so feel, 
so act, in this greater matter? 

I may regret the necessity, but, neither I nor any lover of 
truth and justice should regret the result. 

If I know myself it has been in this broad view that I have 
seen — and labored to bring before my countrymen — the jury: — 
the facts set forth in this article ; and I appeal to you to so con- 
sider and so judge my work. 

So, there stands before you as true a "Traitor" — as loyal a 
"Rebel" — as ever descended from Revolutionary loins. 

H. W. JOHNSTONE 
Idylwild, Gra. 

June 12th, 1917. 



84 



JUDGE CAMPBELL'S LETTERS 

"Extracts." 

"Sunday Morning, April 7th, 1861. 
(13) "Memorandum. 

"The (Confederate Peace) Commissioners have been under 
anxiety and concern for two or three days by reports, that have 
some appearance of authority, of conversations of the President 
relative to Southern affairs, troops, and by tlie .sailing of the 
Atlantic* 

"T have assured tliem that the Government will not under- 
take to supply Sumter without giving notice to Governor Pick- 
ens, and that I should have notice whenever any measure chang- 
ing the existing status prejudicially to the Confederate States 
is contemplated as respects Fort Pickens. 

"I do not experience the same anxiety or concern as they 
express. But if I have said more than I am authorized I pray 
that you will advise me. 

JOHN A. CAMPBELL. 

This letter was addressed to Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of 
State. But tJiis is left out in compiling the record, and, a sen- 
tence is added — from Judge Campbell's report to the Confeder- 
ate authorities as to this incident. 

Mr. Seward's answer to this letter is also suppressed. That 
answer was: "Faith as to Sumter fully kept. Wait and see." 
That answer was in writing. 

Why was Seward's name, as addressed, and Seward's answer 
left out of the record, and foreign matter inserted totally irrele- 
vant to the question at issue? 

Judge Campbell waited, and saw. Then wrote the following 
letter to Wm. H. Seward : 

"Washington Citv, Saturday, April 18, 1861. 
"Sir: 

(N) "On the 15th of March, ultimo, I left with Judge Crawford, 
one of the Commissioners of the Confederate States, a note in 
writing to the effect following: 

" 'I feel entire confidence that Fort Sumter will be evacu- 
ated in the next ten days, and this measure is felt as imposing 
great responsibility on the Administration. 

" 'I feel entire confidence that no measure changing the exist- 
ing .status prejudicially to the Southern Confederate States, is 
at present contemplated. 



♦The "Atlanic" onrrierl the secret expedition under Brown asainst Fort 
Pickens. 

35 



" 'I feel entire confidence that an immediate demand for an 
answer to the communication of the Commissioners will be pro- 
ductive of evil and not of good. I do not believe that it ought, 
at this time, to be pressed. ' 

'•'The substance of this staement I communicated to you the 
same evening by letter. Five days elapsed and I called with a 
telegram from General Beauregard to the eifect that Sumter 
was not evacuated, but that Major Anderson was at work making 
repairs. 

"The next day, after conversing with you, I communicated 
to Judge Crawford, in writing, that the failure to evacuate 
Sumter was not the result of bad faith, but was attributable to 
causes consistent with the intention to fulfill the engagement, 
and that, as regarded Pickens, I should have notice of any 
design to alter the existing status there. 

"Mr. Justice Nelson was present at these conversations, three 
in number, and I submitted to him each of my written com- 
munications to Judge Crawford, and informed Judge Crawford 
that they had his (Judge Nelson's) sanction. I gave you, on 
the 22nd of March, a substantial copy of the statement I had 
made on the 15th. 

"The 30th of March arrived, and at that time a telegram 
came from Governor Pickens inquiring concerning Colonel 
Lamon, whose visit to Charleston he supposed had a connection 
with the proi30sed evacuation of Fort Sumter. I left that with 
you, and was to have an answer the following Monday morning 
( 1st of April. On the 1st of April I received from you the state- 
ment in writing : ' I am satisfied the Government will not under- 
take to supply Fort Sumter without giving notice to Governor 
P.' The words, 'I am satisfied' were for me to use as expression 
of confidence in the remainder of the declaration. 

"The proposition as originally prepared was: 'The President 
may desire to supply Sumter, but will not do so," etc., and your 
verbal explanation was that you did not believe any such at- 
tempt would be made, and that there was no design to rein- 
force Sumter. 

"There was a departure here from the pledges of the previous 
month, but, with the verbal explanation, I did not consider it a 
matter then to complain of. I simply stated to you that I had 
that assurance previously. 

"On the 7th of April I addressed you a letter on the subject 
of the alarm that the preparations by the Government had 
created, and asked you if the assurances I had given were well 
or ill founded. In respect to Sumter your reply was: 'Faith as 
to Sumter fully kept. Wait and see.' 

"In the morning's paper I read: 'An authorized messenger 

36 



from President Liiieolu informed Governor Pickeas and General 
Beauregard tliat provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter — peace- 
ably, or otherwise by force. 

"This was the 8th of April, at Charleston — the day following 
your last assurance and is the last evidence of the full faith 
1 was invited to wait for and see. In the same paper I read that 
intercepted dispatches disclosed the fact that Mr. Fox, who had 
been allowed to visit Major Anderson, on the pledge that his 
purpose was pacific, employed his oppoi'tunity to devise a plan 
for supplying the -fort by force, and that this plan had been 
adopted by the Washington Govei-juneiit, and was in i)roeess of 
execution. 

"My recollection of the date of Mr. Fox's visit can-ies it to 
a day in March. 1 leai'n that lie is a near connection of a mem- 
ber of the Cabinet. 

"My connection with tiie Commissioners and yourself was 
superinduced by the conversation with Justice Nelson, lie in- 
formed me of your strong disposition in favor of peace and 
that you were oppressed with a demand of the Commissioners 
of the Confederate States for a reply to their first letter, and 
that you desired to avoid it if passible at that time. 

"I told him I might, perhaps, be of some service in arranging 
the difficulty. I came to your office entirely at his recjuest, and 
without the knowledge of either of the (Confederate) ('Onnnis- 
sioners. Your depression was obvious to both Judge Nelsou and 
myself. I was gratified at the character of the counsels you 
were desirous of pursuing, and much impressed with yoiir ob- 
servation that a civil war might be prevented by the success of 
my mediation. You read a letter of Mr. (Thurlow) Weed, to 
show ho^v irksome and responsible the withdraw.'ds of troops 
from Sumter was. A portion of my comnuuiication to Judge 
Crawford on the loth of March, was founded upon these re- 
marks, and the pledge to evacuate Sumter is less forcible than 
the words you employed. Those words were: 'Before this letter 
reaches you, (a proposed letter by me to President Davis), 
Sumter will have been evacuated.' 

"The (Confederate) Connnissioners who received those com- 
munications conclude they have been abused and overreachetl. 
The Montgomery Government hold the same opinion. The Com- 
missioners have supposed that my communications were with 
you, and upon the hypothesis were prepared to arraign you be- 
fore the country in connection with the President. I placed a 
peremptory prohibition upon this as being contrary to the terms 
of my communications with them. I pledged myself to them to 
communicate information upon what I considered as the best 
authority, and they were to confide in the ability of myself, 
aided by Judge Nelson, to determine upon the credibility of 
my informant. 

37 



"I tliink no Ciindid man will read over what I have written, 
and consider for a moment what is going on at Snmter, bnt will 
agree that the eqnivoeating conduct of the Administration, as 
measured and interpreted in connection with these promises, is 
the proximate cause of the great calamity. 

"1 have a profound conviction that the telegrams of the 
8th of April of General Beauregard, and of the lOtli of April 
of General Walker, the Secretary of War, can be referred to 
nothing else than their belief that there has been systematic 
duplicity practiced on them through me. It is under an im- 
pressive sense of the weight of this responsibility that I submit 
to you these things for your exi^lanation. 
"Very respectfully, 

"JOHN A. CAMPBELL, 
"Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, United States. 
"Hon. Wm. H. Seward, 
"Secretary of State." 

To this there was no answer. 

A week later Judge Campbell wrote the following : 

"Washington, April 20th, 1861. 
"Sir: 

"I enclose j'ou a letter, corresponding very nearly with one I 
addressed to you one week ago (13th April), to which I have 
not had any reply. The letter is simply one of inquiry in 
reference to facts concerning which, I think, I am entitled to 
an explanation. I have not adopted any opinion in reference 
to them which may not be modified by explanation ; nor have I 
affirmed in that letter, nor do I in this, any conclusion of my 
own unfavorable to your integrity, in the whole transaction. 
All that I have said and mean to say is, that an explanation is 
due from you to myself. 

"T will not say what I shall do in case this request is not 
complied with, but I am justified in saying that I shall feel at 
liberty to place these letters before any person Avho is entitled 
to sueli an explanation of myself. 

' ' Very respectfully, 

JOHN A.^ CAMPBELL, 
"Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, United States. 
"Hon. Wm. H. Seward, 
"Secretary of State." 

No iH'i)ly lias been made to this letter, April 24th, 1861. 

These papers, and every paper connected with this affair, (in 
which Judge Campbell was the mediator selected by Seward), 
were filed in the Confederate States archives, and were deliv- 
ered lo United Stales authorities, to complete the Record. 

38 



The iiiolivr wliicli piMiiiptcd the garhliiig and suppression ol' 
the complete record of tlii.s "systoualie duplicity" is clearly 
apparent to any candid mind. 



Dato of Act Cypher AITHOHITIES AND MKMORAADA 

179 8-1832 _ _ - _ -A Thomas Jefferson Randolph's Original Mss. 

March 4, 1861 _ _ _B Lincoln's First Inaugural Address. 

March 12, 1861 _ _C Records Rebellion, Ser. I, Vol. 4, 90. War 

Department to Vogdes. 

April 1, 1861 _ _ _D Records Rebellion, Ser. I, Vol. 4, 110. Vogdes 

to Adams. 

April 1, 1861 _ _ _E Records Rebellion, Ser. I, Vol 4. 110 to 114, 

and 125. Adams refuses to obey. 

April 6, 1861 _ _ -F Records Rebellion, Ser. I, Vol. 4, 110. Welles 

Reorders Adams. 

April 7-14, 1861 _ -G Records Rebellion. Ser. I. Vol. 4. 111. Wor- 

den's report (1865). Spy. 

April 13-14, 1861 _H Records Rebellion, Ser. I, Vol. 4, 135-6. 

Bragg as to Worden. 

April 16, 1861 - _ _J Records Rebellion, Ser. I, Vol. 4, 118. Wor- 
den prisoner of war. 

April 16, 1861 K Records Rebellion. Ser. I, Vol. 4. 136-7. Wor- 
den to Secretary Walker. Statement. 

April 12, 1861 _L Records Rebellion. Ser. I, Vol. 4. 115. Adams 

reports landing Vogdes. 

April 11, 1861 M Records Rebellion. Ser. I. Vol. 4. 210. Log of 

U. S. S. Su,pply. night of April 11th. 

Mch. 12 to Apr. 9 _N Stephens II, Campbell-Seward letters, 743-6. 

Comments, 348-54. 

F'eb. to .Apr. 12, '61 O Records Rebellion, Vol. 4, 244-51. Fox report 

(1865) of Sumter Expedition. 

March 1, 1861 _ _ _P Rerords Rebellion, Vol. 4, 225. Fox to Blair, 

as to "reinforcing Sumter," etc. 

Feb. 8, 1861 R Records Rebellion, Vol. 4. 223. Fox to Scott, 

of "Hall Conferences,' 'etc. 

December 26, 1860 _S Davis' Confederate States. 57. Anderson 

"Dismantles Moultrie." etc. 

March 29, 1861 _ _T Rcords Rebellion. Vol. 4. 227-S. Lincoln's or- 
der. Fox "Expedition." 

March 30. 1861 _ _V Records Rebellion. Vol. 4, 228-9. Welles' 

"private" orders. Ships of War. 

April 1, 1861 _ _W Records Rebellion, Vol. 4, 107-S. Scott-Lin- 
coln orders to Brown. 

April 1, 1861 _ _ _X Records Rebellion. Vol. 4. 108. Lincoln's 

special orders to "all officers." 

February 6. 1861 _XX Stephens, IT. 43-50. Chase in "Peace Confer- 
ence." 

February 27, 1861 _Y Stephens II. 417. Resolution in Congress on 

Chase theories, etc. 

April 2 to 4. 1861 _Z Atlantic Monthly. April 1875. Magruder and 

Baldwin, statement. 

April 4. 1861 1 Records Rebellion, Vol. 4. 232-3. Gen. Scott 

order "Fox Expedition." Sumter. 

April 1. 1861 2 Records Rebellion, Vol. 4, 108-9. Lincoln- 
Seward, order, to Porter. 

39 



Date c»f Act Cyidier AUTHORITIES AND MEMORANDA 

April 1, 18G1 3 Records Rebellion, Vol. 4, 109. Lincoln tele- 
gram, "Powhatan," secret; order con- 
iirming and secret. 

April 1, ISGl 4 Records Rebellion, Vol. 4, 229. Welles tel- 
egram, "Fit Out' Powhatan. 

April 5, 1801 _ _ _ 5 Records Rebellion, Vol. 4, 235. Welles or- 
der to Mercer, "Powhatan." 

April G, 1861 6 Records Rebellion, Vol. 4, 237-9. Porter 

sails; Seward's telegram. 

April 6, 1861 7 Records Rebellion, Vol. 4, 112. Seward tel- 
egram to Porter, "Give up Powhatan." 

April 6, 1861 _ _ _ 8 Records Rebellion, Vol. 4, 112. Porter's 

answer to Seward. 
9 Records Rebellion, Vol. 4. 132. Capt. Poor, 
"Powhatan flying English colors." 

April 21, 1861 _ _10 Records Rebellion, Vol. 4, 122-3. Porter's 

report — "20 minutes, or sunk." 

April 20, 1861 _ -11 Records Rebellion, Vol. 4, 127. Capt. Adams 

to Capt. Du'pont, as to Porter, etc. 

February 2, 1861 _12 Records Rebellion, Vol. 4, 77. Capt. Barron 

on Armistice; also 51, Armstrong. 

Apr. 7, 13, 20, 1861 13 Campbell's two letters to Seward, never 

answered. Stephens IT, 74 3-6. Records 
Rebellion, Ser. I, Vol. 4, 259. 
1863_13x Enc. Brit, xiv., 658-61. Lincoln vs. Valland- 
ingham. 
14 Records Rebellion, Vol. 4. 265. Powhatan. 
"Havana to New York in five days." 

December 17, 1S63_15 Stephens II, 49. Resolution in Congress as 

to "Rebels" and "Traitors." 

July in, 1861 16 Stephens II, 436. Joint Resolution to legal- 
ize Lincoln's acts, etc. 
The circled letters and figures on margin 
refer to this sheet. 



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